Transcript
Dr Porpavai Kasiannan Okay, now we will go to the topic of the presentation, which is “Principles of Parenting Infants” in a little bit more in-depth – sort of, to get a bit more in-depth understanding. So, parents can have direct effects, and there are factors that have direct effects on parenting, and there are factors that have indirect effects on parenting. So, the direct effects are mainly, you know, biological, like, genetics or – which influences the physical characteristics, intelligence and personality, which are all inherited to a significant degree. And we also know that apart from genetics, which is the nature, other theories, other prominent theories, such as, experience has an equally important factor, which is the nurture side of the, you know, influence on development.
So, adoption studies have looked at this. In studies which has looked at twins, you know, adopted twins, you know, one twin, raised by the biological mother and other raised by adopted mother, shows that there are direct roles for genetics, but also for the experience, where they have characteristics of both the biological parent and the adoptive parent. And also in families with multiple siblings, although they all have a shared environment, they are born to the same set of parents with the same genetic makeup, but each individual child will be different in their temperament, in their, you know, in their regularity, in all those other characteristics. And this is something that has been studied as shared and non-shared environment, and the non-shared environment are the subtle differences in the – within the infant, within the child, but also within the child and the environment interaction, child-parent, and child-environment interactions.
And parent-provided experiences are also direct effe – have direct effects, such as, language. You know, the amount of speaking that they do with infants, the amount of activities they do with their infants, appropriate – developmentally appropriate toys, providing a physical environment where the children can move around and play and explore, all those things have direct effects. The things that have indirect effects on parenting are the support that the parents have. One most important thing is marital support and communication, where both parents are supporting one another and are communicating appropriately with one another, and are the – providing or catering to the needs of the infant in a supportive manner, has better outcomes. But if there is marital conflict, this can impact on attending to the subtle needs of the infant, and there might be subtle neglect and, you know, resulting in emotional dysregulation and so on.
Okay, moving on to how parenting beliefs will impact on parenting infants. So, parenting beliefs is parents’ own beliefs about parenting, about their capacity for parenting, etc. So they may generate and shape parenting behaviours, mediate effectiveness of parenting or help to organise parenting. So, for example, mothers would feel confident, competent, efficacious in their role as parents, they are more responsive, more empathetic and less punitive and more appropriate in their developmental expectations of their infants. And obviously, if they don't feel, then it can impact on the parenting.
How parents view infancy in general functions in the same way. Who – those who believe they can or cannot affect infants’ personality or intelligence, they modify their parenting accordingly. If they feel that they can affect the infant's behaviour and personality, they are more confident in, sort of, modifying their approaches, of being flexible in their approaches. Whereas, if they feel that they cannot affect the infant’s personality, then they either, sort of, give up easily or they can get frustrated and angry, and they can have unhelpful communication patterns or parenting practices. Mothers who regard their infants as being difficult are less likely to pay attention or respond to their infant’s overtures, and there, that such inattentiveness and non-responsiveness can foster temperamental difficulties and cognitive shortcomings. So, it's a two-way thing. Again, culture plays a major role in – so culturally defined beliefs about infants and childrearing practices influence how they parent infants.
There are different domains of parenting infants. So, we looked at domains of developing infants, but then looking at domains of parenting infants, where, you know, parents have different roles in their role as parents. They include these four aspects. The first one is "nurturant caregiving," in which the parents promote infants’ wellness and prevent illnesses from the moment of conceptions. Like, from the time they get pregnant, they provide sustenance, protection, supervision and shield from risk and stressors throughout the pregnancy and even after birth. "Social caregiving," which includes a variety of – providing a variety of visual, verbal, affective and physical behaviours to – that parents use in engaging infants in interpersonal exchanges, so that infants can develop these skills in – as they grow. And also it helps them with regulating the infant's affect or behaviour or emotions.
The third is "didactic caregiving," which consists of a variety of strategies parents use in stimulating infants to engage and understand the environment outside the parent-child dyad. For example, you know, introducing the chi – infant to the park, to pets, to – in outdoor activities, where they are, you know, stimulating the infants to engage in these activities, and these activities increase over the course of infancy. You know, as the infants grow older, this didactic caregiving increases because infants are capable of doing lot more than when they are a one-month-old baby. And then the material caregiving provision and organisation of the physical world of the infant, providing material comfort, toys, books, developmentally appropriate books, and activities that they can do with the infants.
And there are the other factors, also, that influence parenting infants. So, not only the parents providing the environment, the activities, the emotional connection and everything, and the – there has to be the mutual responsiveness from the infant for this to be successful. So, you know, that mutual responsiveness is an equally important factor. So, infants will deliberately search for and use parents’ emotional expressions to help clarify and evaluate uncertain and novel events, a phenomena called “social referencing.” And if anyone has watched the “still face” experiment, it's very – it will be very obvious where the baby's mother stops showing any facial expression and the baby tries its best, you know, tries to evaluate, tries to get the mother's attention, and finally get frustrated and so on. So, it just shows how much infants understand these emotional expressions and how far they can go to get the parents to respond.
And parenting has, you know, has definitely not always been the positive, pleasant trajectory for everyone who has babies, and all over the world infanticide was a major problem. It is still a problem in some sections of population in the world, and so that is one thing, and there are multiple layers of factors there that influence that practice, which is beyond the scope of this presentation. And there is increasing single parents, number of single parents, teenage parents, significant poverty, substance abuse during pregnancy and parent – you know, parenthood, physical, emotional and sexual abuse. If you look at all these things, they're all – they all impact many domains of the infant development. Also impact on how the parents parent these – parent – and also in – if you look at the ecological model, how these factors have negative impact on the child's development.
And people also have studied the differences between mothers’ and fathers’ way of parenting infants. Across cultures globally, in general, mothers play the principal part in infant development, and – or infant/child caregiving. Fathers are more interactive during play times with the infant, whereas mothers spend more time in direct contact with infants, during feeding, you know. But it is changing a bit in the Western world, where fathers are taking active participation in, sort of, you know, in bathing the child or as – you know, changing nappies, and so on and so forth.
When fathers are unhappily married, they generally withdraw from infants, but mothers, when they are unhappily married don’t. This is what the research says. And mothers and fathers interact with and care for infants in complementary ways. So, they may not be the same, but in functional dyads, they work in complementary ways. In general, mothers are associated with caregiving, whereas fathers are associated with playful interactions, as I just mentioned. However, even if the fathers have low quantity of interaction and have a different style of interaction with infants, infants still become as attached to their fathers as they do with their mothers.
Another thing that shapes parenting infants is the actual and perceived characteristics of the infants. We did talk about “temperament,” but there are other characteristics that infants bring into the world that influence the parenting. One such thing is the physical appearance of the baby, called – which was called “babyishness” by Lorenz, which actually elicits nurturant reaction to babies. The way babies, sort of, look and the features of the babies actually elicit nurturant reactions. And crying is something that motivates adults to soothe babies, so crying has a survival function in the early infancy, and smiling from infants encourages adults to stay near the baby, so that also has a survival function.
Then if we look at health status of the babies, studies have shown that pre-term infants often have difficulties, you know, being – in being able to regulate engagement with caregivers. So, they're not able to engage with caregivers as well as the full-term infants. And if we look at gender, although infants don't come with the preference of interactions based on their gender, the society organises these gender differences from the time of conception to birth with, you know, the girls, sort of, receiving everything in pink and boys in blues, and the way their rooms are decorated, the initial descriptions, impressions. And what they expect from infants – infant boys and infant girls might be very subtly different, but that difference is still there.
And the age of the infant, parents interact very differently to younger infants, which is very appropriate, compared to the older infants. With the younger infants, it's more affect-laden speech, like, you know, more emotional speech, it's more cooing and more the motherese kind of speech, where they're talking in that, you know, in that very peculiar mother language, or the parent language, that we speak with infants, which varies from one parent to another. And this, sort of, changes to more information-laden speech with older infants. With older infants parents would be talking about facts, like, about what they're doing. If they're cooking, they might talk about, “Look, mummy is cooking," you know, "pancakes for you, and this is what we are doing.” So, they’re, kind of, preparing the infant for interacting with the outside world. And also the responsiveness of the infants, how easily they can be read by the parents, in terms of their distress levels or emotions, and the predictably of – predictability of the infants also influence how parents interact with them and how they do their parenting with the infants. And similarly, actual and perceived cognitive ability and temperament, we looked at it a little bit earlier on, also influences the parenting.
The biological determinants, okay, are also equally important in how parents parent infants. In the more, sort of, advanced Western world, parents are getting older and older, in terms of when they have their first child, and they prepare for the birth in advance, they spend a lot of time in research, in making sure that they are healthy, and they look at their habits, and they stop smoking, drinking and, sort of, prenatal biological events, they are attended to. But it's not always the case, you know, a lot of parents, particularly the vulnerable ones, you know, they do, sort of, smoke and drink and use substances during pregnancy, and that can inadvertently affect the developing foetus and – that's one thing.
The second thing is that some of the infant caregiving practices are biologically wired, according to Papousek and Papousek. That it’s an intuitive parenting, we don't – we are not taught that, it comes naturally to us. The one that I was describing of how we speak to the babies, you know, child-directed, infant-directed speech, it's naturally wired into us. The fact that we nurture infants and we provide the, you know, the secure base for them, and we provide that opportunities for secure attachment and all those things, seem to be, you know, innately or naturally wired into us.
And the person – parental personality factors are also, sort of, important in how we parent. They include empathic awareness, predictability, non-intrusiveness, emotional availability and perceived self-efficacy. So, all these things in – if we perceive ourselves to be self-efficacious and emotionally available, then we provide better parenting towards them. If parents are self-centred, and that might impact on their parenting, because caring for an infant takes a lot out of the parent, they – in terms of time, effort, you know, loss of incomes or money. And those things, you know, if there was a self-centred parent, then they might look at having an infant as a disadvantage rather than a joyable – an enjoyable, sort of, event in their life, and similarly, adaptability and emotional regulation skills.
And another thing is intergenerational transmission, either through genes or through experiential pathways. We know that studies, sociological studies, have looked at intergenerational transmission. So, we – these are the things that we inherit of – the parents inherit from their parents, and their parents will have inherited from their parents, and so on. Obviously it will not be all, it will also be modified and influenced by the society that they're living in, the kind of demands that life has for them, which als – it changes from generation to generation. So, it's a mix of those factors that also shape parenting infants.
And societal factors also influence how infants are parented. Family configuration, for example, single parent families are much more, sort of, stressed compared to, you know, the two parent families. Level of parental stress, level of dysfunction in the marital relationships, social connections, you know, this may – if there are not enough social connections to support the family. Educational level, and of course, financial and social stress, they all impact on how parents can parent their infants. Low socioeconomic status is definitely a risk factor for child development and mother-infant relationship, and it also promotes harsh or inconsistent disciplinary practices.
Although all cultures, there is a common factor. There is a common factor in all cultures, which is to nurture and protect. This is the culture common factor, and there are culture specific factors, which are specific to certain cultures that also influence parents. So, for example, you know, cross-cultural comparisons have shown that almost all aspects of parenting are informed by culture. For – in one study, which looked at Japanese – compared Japanese and American mothers, Japanese mothers tend to expect early mastery of emotional maturity, self-control and social courtesy in their offsprings, compared to American mothers who expect early mastery of verbal competence and self-actualisation in their children.
And although mothers from different cultures show a lot of similarities in interacting with the infants, you know, the things that we discussed earlier on, how we interact with infants, but they also show vast differences in how they deal with infants day-to-day. Feeding, for example, and, you know, worldwide, there is some – there is – breastfeeding is encouraged and it is, you know - that is being promoted all around the world. How parents breastfeed also changes, you know, whether they feed on demand or they feed by the clock, it all depends upon, you know, how they perceive their infants within their cultures.
And there are sleeping differences, like I said earlier. In European and, sort of, American and Australian cultures, the infants are expected to sleep separately from the parents, whereas most South Asian communities will co-sleep with their infants, and – for a number of years. Which is not seen as being – having a negative impact, and studies have not shown any negative impacts of such co-sleeping patterns or increased rate of sudden infant death syndrome, which is one of the reasons why co-sleeping is not encouraged in the – in some cultures. So, they’re – all these cross-cultural differences, also cultural, sort of, specificities can also impact how we parent infants.
Another thing that is really important role of parenting is on emotional and self-regul – improving or fostering emotional and self-regulation skills during early childhood. Having good self-regulatory skills is often considered as an early indicator for later life stress success, because this is a very important skill that is necessary for coping with stress in – day-to-day stress, and also, sort of, you know, toxic stress, if that were to happen in future. So, certain parental characteristics, such as, parental self-regulation, if the parents have good capacity to self-regulate themselves, their own temperament and their mental health status all influence on how they help their infants se – regulate. Other variables, such as, how involved they are, what their parenting styles are, what their parenting sensitivity is, how they co-parent, whether they co-parent effectively as a team, or do they have differences? They also influence the self-regulation. And attachment security is another important factor. Apart from these, the family structure, the home environment and other ecological factors also influence the progression of self-regulatory abilities.
So, if we look at self-regulation during infancy, the child’s success at regulation is definitely dependent – primarily dependent on the caregiver who is responsible for supporting the infant to develop control over sleep and wakefulness. So, if you look at sleep as one thing. So, it's really important that the parent is heavily involved, or the caregiver is heavily involved and invested in meeting that – in providing that support. From about three months to the end of first year of life, the child learns to engage in voluntary motor behaviour to soothe themselves.
For example, you know, younger infants will usually, sort of, suck or put their fists in their mouth, or – as a comforting thing. And even later on in life, you know, thumb sucking is one thing that, you know, infants would use to self-soothe, or they might have rubbing, sort of, actions, or they might carry a comfort blanket or something, a toy, to self-regulate. As early as young – three months, infants can, sort of, turn away from negative stimulus or negative arousal, and then slowly they organise their object and social world and start to become aware of their own actions. So, they might be able to reach for a toy or play with a particular toy when they feel dysregulated.
And these responses are usually tied to immediate interactions or characteristics of the situations, for example, having a fun interaction with the caregiver. But they're not conscious. The infants are not actually thinking that, oh, I'm feeling this way, so I should go and do this, or they don't have a full awareness of the meaning of the situation. Hence, this, kind of, comforting, this phase is labelled as “modulation” and not as “control,” so not self-control, but modulation. So, the important role for the parent here is to be responsive and to provide interesting stimuli so that they can learn to use those stimuli to regulate themselves.
The period between 12 and 18 months of age is accompanied by important and striking changes in cognitive and locomotor abilities. So, they are able to think better, understand better and move better. And they can also, sort of – compliance reflects on the child’s, you know – the compliance to adult demands also starts, sort of, varying, because, you know, it depends on the child's ability to initiate, stop or change their behaviour in response to adult requests, and this is an early form of self-regulation. So, increasingly, children, you know, the older infants, become aware of the expectations of their caregivers. For example, you don't put, you know, sh – dirty things, like, shoes in your mouth, or – and, you know, you don't pick things from the floor and put them in your mouth, and so – for example.
And slowly, they start to internalise these, sort of, societal expectations, values and norms. By about two years of age, most children have developed some level of self-control. So, this includes the ability to regulate and inhibit behaviour, even in the absence of external monitors. So, I mean, this is quite obvious when you observe, sort of, younger children and infants in childcare settings. So, they behave according to the parents’ or the caregivers’ requests, even when the parents are not there. However, the child still has limited flexibility in adapting their behaviour to meet new situational demands. So, they still haven't developed the capacity to generalise these kind of self-regulatory skills. And slowly, they also start to become capable of delaying gratification. Like, you know, when – they can understand when they are told, “Okay, you can have the biscuit later," or "after we finish this activity.” So, that is also – that capacity is also developing in older infants.