Transcript
Dr Daniel Hoover I’m Daniel Hoover. I am a Clinical Psychologist at the Center for Child and Family Traumatic Stress, Kennedy Krieger Institute, which is in Baltimore, Maryland, United States, and Faculty Member at the Johns Hopkins School of Psychiatry, Johns Hopkins Medical School. I’m going to be talking today about autism and trauma, the ways that they overlap and interact with each other, both diagnostically and for clinical purposes, thinking about assessment and treatment.
I want to mention that my work at the Kennedy Krieger Institute is funded by the Center for Supporting Trauma Recovery for Youth with Developmental Disabilities, the TRY – the STRYDD Center. That’s a National Child Traumatic Stress Network Treatment and Services Adaptation grant. And that we are a group who are exploring, with research and clinical work and dissemination, the overlaps between autism and developmental disorders and post-traumatic stress disorder, especially among children and adolescents.
So, I’ll start out by talking about the scope of the problem and what we’re looking at with children, youth and to some degree, adults, who have autism. So, the diagnosis of autism is growing quite rapidly over the last ten to 20 years, as approximately, at latest estimate, about one in 39 youth in the United States are – probably have criteria or meets criteria or symptoms for an autism spectrum disorder. And it appears that the numbers that are in the US are pretty similar to those coming out in international studies.
So, it is a neurodevelopmental disorder that is one of the more common developmental disorders, which affects a range of learning abilities, language, the ability to read and respond to social cues, communication and adaptive and executive functioning. And there’s a spectrum, of course, with autism, ranging from those who have lower levels of speech and language abilities and intellectual disabilities, ranging to those who are relatively more high functioning, as is described in the criteria. Which may include, also, some other language problems or limitations in social functioning, but not to the degree that others have.
One thing I want to mention is that there is quite a bit of comorbidity between autism and a range of social, emotional and behavioural difficulties. Much of that has to do with, sometimes, a mismatch between having autism and the features of autism, and current society. That there are demands in society for a variety of fairly finetuned and nuanced social qualities and the ability to read social cues and sometimes, that doesn’t fit very well with the autistic person’s strengths. And while autistic folks tend to have great strengths in certain areas, having to do with, you know, concentration, attention and sometimes, they have – they’re very much specialists in certain areas, they don’t always fit – feel like they fit in very well with general society.
And also, people with autism are often grouped in a category of those who have intellectual and neurodevelopmental disorders and may, especially in the United States, and in – to a degree, in other parts of the world, are – as being grouped in a – in those – among those with developmental disorders, maybe in a siloed system in which they receive services for developmental disabilities whenever there are behavioural challenges or emotional challenges, rather than having access to, you know, the usual trauma-informed mental health system that other children and youth may have when they have behavioural or emotional difficulties, especially related to trauma. So, the siloed service system can be quite a difficulty for people with autism, as they may not have full access to trauma-informed care. So, it’s the goal of our group, with the National Child Traumatic Stress Network, to develop new treatments and adaptations for therapy for those who have been exposed to potentially traumatic events and to help them to get the psychotherapy that they need.
So, to talk specifically about the kinds of trauma that people with autism may encounter, physical and medical neglect, at times, happen, physical and sexually – sexual abuse. There are recent – a couple of recent studies that suggest that contrary to what was once believed about autism, these individuals are more likely to have – be exposed to physical abuse and sexual abuse and maltreatment, even than neurotypically developing individuals. And that – so, that they are often the subjects of referrals for Child Protective Services, and studies suggest that they often receive more services and more family-level services within Child Protective Service agencies than children who don’t have autism.
Also, there’s a great deal – there’s a literature and a lot is beginning to be known about general adversities and ACES, adverse childhood events, that occur with people who have autism and their families. Interestingly and sadly, children and youth with autism are often exposed to a range of adverse circumstances, in addition to trauma, which may include parental mental health problems, poverty and finance-related difficulties, parental incarceration and relatively high rates of parental divorce and separation. We believe, and I think the evidence is supporting the idea, that the adversities and traumas that occur with autism may have something to do with the extra burden and strain, financial pressures on families, as they raise children with autism, who often need extra help with learning and educational supports, as well as mental health and physical supports.
Children with autism, and youth with autism, are also more often exposed to being in settings where there may be physical restraints and seclusion because of the, sometimes, the necessity to intervene with self-injurious behaviour, or aggressive behaviour, or other challenging behaviours. These children can be in settings where it’s more likely that they may be restrained or secluded. And while in many of the settings, that restraint and seclusion is carefully regulated, it may not rise to the level of abuse, children with autism may experience their restraints and seclusion as abusive and traumatising, and that can last over a long period of time.
Also, as I mentioned, children with autism may very well be subject to the child welfare system because of reports of abuse, neglect or other kinds of abuse. And once placed in a living – in a placement – child – for example, foster care setting, or a special education placement, these children have less likelihood of being able to move back into a less restrictive setting. And once placed in a setting that may not be a good match for them, they have a higher likelihood of bouncing from one setting to another, until educators and treatment providers can find a good match for them. So, they have, many times, multiple transitions between living and educational placements, which can add to adversities and traumas that they experience.
Also, among youth and children with autism, there’s an increased risk for peer victimisation, bullying and exploitation by peers. And probably the best, most thorough, research literature that we have on trauma in children with autism is around bullying and has to do with their exposure to, not only physical assaults by peers, but also has to do with teasing and ostracism. There has been a, sort of, a fiction in the past, the idea that children with autism are not sensitive to psychosocial teasing or bullying. But recent literature suggesting that children are quite sensitive to it and that it may lead to some of the outcomes that we see in children with higher functioning autism, especially with higher rates of suicidal ideation and some rates of substance use and self-injurious behaviour and depression. And that this can lead directly to post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms.
In addition, people with autism tend to have co-occurring – at least more often than neurotypically developing folks, have a higher rate of exposure to medical procedures and medical – therefore, medical trauma. So, if they have a co-occurring stomach or gastrointestinal issues, hearing issues or others, heart procedures that get done, other kinds of invasive surgeries, they, of course, get exposed to painful or restrictive procedures, that are maybe medically necessary, but may have lasting traumatic implications for them.
I might also mention that diagnosing autism and traumatic stress disorders can be confusing and difficult, because many of the symptoms of autism may very well be misidentified as being related to trauma and vice versa. For example, in post-traumatic stress disorder, we’re often looking for criteria such as overarousal and hypervigilance and intrusive and ruminative thoughts about a trauma. And people who have autism may naturally have these kinds of symptoms, even if they haven't been traumatised.
For example, a child who has, excuse me, autism and not necessarily trauma, may be very vigilant to changes in their environment, may be very over-aroused due to executive function differences and weaknesses and anxiety, and may have worries about being in new situations and struggles with transitions. And so, they may look like they have trauma, which – when they may not, or they may look like they have autism and autism is driving the condition, where it may be largely trauma. So, the Clinician who’s working with a person who may have co-occurring autism and trauma needs to be very careful about diagnosis and assessment to try to take those considerations into account.
There is a bit of discussion in the literature about whether people with autism are more or less sensitive to trauma. Some are suggesting that because of emo – problems with emotion regulation, they may actually experience trauma to a greater degree than people who don’t have autism, and others who may feel that they may – they are less sensitive to it. And that remains to really be explored by the research literature whether it’s they’re more or less sensitive.
So, here are some ideas, kind of, longstanding ideas, that people have had about youth with autism and their ability to understand and engage in treatment in general for mental health. One of the thoughts has been that children with autism cannot really engage with – because by virtue of their limitations or differences, interpersonal differences, may not be able to engage in therapy. Another idea has been that – or – and that they really need only behaviour management or medication because they don’t engage in therapy particularly well. That standard mental health treatment’s really not made for, or work – doesn’t work for children with autism. And that because of the silos of care, people who have a developmental disability, such as autism, may very well be treated within a developmental ‘disorders’ silo, without having access to full understanding of their mental health condition.
Another of the misunderstandings has been that – and I’ve mentioned this earlier, is that people with intellectual disabilities and/or autism don’t experience trauma because of some sort of shielding effect of their disability. And it is become more clear through some of the in – the ongoing research that they do experience trauma and that they may experience trauma even to a greater degree than people who don’t have autism.
Another common misconception is that working with a population of people with autism to help with their mental health, requires a certain degree of specialisation that goes way beyond what typical treatment would look like. And while we are finding that it requires some adaptation and modification of approaches, and what we think of, often, as a cultural competency around people who have autism, it doesn’t appear that it requires intense specialised training. It just requires some experience and modifications of some of the methods that we already use.
So, you know, about – approximately, according to the literature, about 45% of people with autism also have intellectual disabilities. So, really, the majority don’t have a fully diagnosable intellectual disability and many do and so, when working with this population, one needs to be aware of strengths, weaknesses, neuropsychological profiles, in order to make the best possible adaptations. So, overall, these – so, these misconceptions are simply that, myths and misconceptions. And that we have found, in our work, clinically and in some of the beginning research protocols that have been done, that youth with autism can be treated, and we’re going to talk a little bit further about that today.
Before I launch into more detail about assessment and treatment of this population, I want to make clear that working with them has both real benefit – real strengths, that these folks come to therapy with some real strengths, and also, there are particular challenges to be aware of. Some of the strengths that we’ve found clinically in our population, in our clinic at Kennedy Krieger, is that many of our families who bring their children for treatment of trauma who have autism, they’re very committed, dedicated to their kids. Often fierce advocates for what their children need and will – have often been on wai – long wait lists, seeking treatment in multiple places and often, very committed to joining their kids in treatment to get them what they need.
We often find, also, that despite some of the complications of autism and developmental disorders, that with this group of folks, often, simple and fairly straightforward mental health therapy interventions work pretty well. And sometimes they work in a more straightforward way than they do with youth who may be more sophisticated in terms of interpersonal willingness to be involved in therapy. And we find that if we can join in an essential therapeutic alliance with children and families with autism, we can often make great progress with them, and we’re beginning to collect data about that kind of progress with the adaptations that we use in our model.
We also find that children with autism usually have their own particular preoccupations and interests that we can make use of to helping – help them to get engaged in therapy and be invol – and excited by it and enjoy it. And we find that working with these kids and families can be highly rewarding. They’re very – they’re often kids who – that may intimidate people who are not very used to working with those with autism, but once you get to know them and have a standard sense of them, they’re quite rewarding and make good progress.
But having said that, I’ll mention a few challenges that we do see with people who have autism and come to therapy. One of ‘em is that they have such a heterogeneity of understanding about the words that we use, the skills that we’re trying to help them build as they work on overcoming their traumatic symptoms. They may need some particular supports for comprehension, for example, may need more visual, in some cases, visual supports to, kind of, see things, and when they have less – and when they have more non-verbal issue – non-verbal strengths and verbal weaknesses.
They also may have executive function weaknesses, such as difficulties with attention, concentration, working memory, generalisation, staying engaged in a treatment. Many times, trauma-oriented therapy requires the person to have a – have some gradual exposure to memories of traumas that they would really not – would rather not remember. And so, the executive functions and sometimes, co-occurring anxiety that goes with autism, can be a bit of a hurdle that the Therapist needs to be aware of in order to help make the best possible treatment plan and make adaptations that will help the person get through the therapy.
These folks often need case management and Therapists are often called upon, or need to advocate to get children and families what they need in the educational world, and to get them community resources, and to get them services through developmental disability agencies in their state. So, it’s often a greater case management demand than typically developing kids. And then, one other thing I’ll mention, which is that because of the nature of comprehension and executive functions and the co-occurring conditions that may be going on, we usually find that our trauma-focused therapies take a little longer, or sometimes much longer, for people with autism than they do for typically developing children. So, those are some things to keep in mind.
One thing that we find many times, when families bring their autistic children to therapy, is this common refrain, “We went to them,” that is to mental health agencies and services, “and they had no idea how to help us.” All too common that we hear this and that is usually because of that dual diagnosis difficulty between the autism and autism features and those associated with ‘em, and the trauma and the way that those two go together. That unless we have that cultural competence and understanding about how to put the two viewpoints and perspectives together in a treatment plan, we may not be able to help these individuals and families. And so, we need to gain that in order to improve our services.
So, I’ve talked about this already, but just to highlight the silos of care issue. That’s the same – very same symptoms in a person with autism, say arousal, overarousal, anger, irritation, aggression and so on, with a person who has autism, the same set of symptoms may be seen very differently if they’re displayed by a person who is – doesn’t have autism. And they may be seen by very different systems of treatment providers, and we’re going – I want to – we’re going to talk about the bias that’s often built into us in the form of diagnostic overshadowing, which I’ll define momentarily. And a tendency to see a child who has autism in a particular way and to attribute a lot of what they do to the autism, rather than recognising some of the other emotional and social issues that are operating and need to be attended to in a therapy – an assessment. And another thing to point out is that many people who are trained, even chil – and even in child orientated Clinicians, child and adolescent orient Clinicians, are trained to treat people, see them in the therapy office, are not very well trained with developmental disabilities, even though they might have a passing familiarity with it. And that they may feel not prepared and rather – even rather intimidated, when asked to take on cases. And some clinics even will, very often, limit the folks – limit from services people who have intellect – IQs, for example, below a certain amount, or people who have a developmental disorder, and will refer them elsewhere.
So, we did a study, Peter D’Amico and I, and our group, a study – a survey of certified Clinicians who were doing trauma-focused cognitive behaviour therapy, already certified people, and what their experience was with people who have autism. One of the things that they strongly mentioned in that survey is that they reported some discomfort, and this is the prioritised listing of types of folks that they felt less comfortable with. Number one, people who had low verbal functioning, they just felt like they didn’t know how to proceed with that. Number two, autism spectrum and intellectual disability and so on.
And there – so, there was a degree of discomfort and interestingly, though, we found that many of those providers who responded to the study, despite their discomfort, are pro – and of course, this may have been a sam – this is probably a sampling bias, but probably 40% of those providers had treated somebody who had a developmental difference or autism. And most of the time, starting with people who were relatively mildly affected by the developmental disorder. And grew their skills and their comfort level with that, taking on cases more and more, who ha – who are more severely affected, and using some of the adaptations that we’re recommending in our model that will be discussed.
So, I want to mention diagnostic overshadowing. This is a kind of, cognitive bias where symptoms are inaccurately attributed to the developmental disability, as I’ve mentioned. So that when a person comes into our settings or offices, whether we be Psychotherapists, Assessors, Medical Clinicians or others, or even Educators, and they have a certain set of behaviours and challenging behaviours, our tendency is to be, kind of, overshadowed by the diagnostic – the developmental difference and to begin to attribute everything that they pro – that they show in their behaviour as being part of that difference. Rather than seeing that some of those interpersonal differences and emotional problems as being related to emotional and interpersonal problems, and not the disability itself.
So, I’ll give an – a quick example of that, and here’s a little vignette and we’re going to assume that this boy pictured has autism. And this is a vignette that I think is – kind of, illustrates what I’m saying. “For the longest time we couldn’t understand why Billy was always acting out and seemed unhappy in our holiday trips to the mountains. We didn’t realise that the smell of wood burning in a fire was a reminder of the ski trip to Colorado, during which Billy was assaulted.” So, we have this boy, Billy, he has an autism spectrum disorder. He’s having difficulty going on these vacation trips and beginning to act out emotionally and probably behaviourally or physically. It’s pre – it would be easy for family members to see this as really – and attribute this as being related to his autism. You know, “This is just Billy, he tends to act up when there’s a change. He tends to resist anything that’s different from what he’s used to. It’s just Billy, it’s just his autism.” But then, if you start to dig deeper and realise, as this family may have appeared to, that he may be triggered in a reminder of some assault that he had in just such a trip, and that those memories of trauma are actually what may be driving the challenging behaviour, not really so much the autism. Although, the form of the challenging behaviour might be shaped, in some part by the autism. That the trauma itself probably has a lot to do with it, and being able to be aware of how both the autism and the trauma may be impacting an individual. This is what we call, you know, ‘dual diagnosis’. We have a person who has both elements of autism, as we’ve described, and elements of trauma. In order to do the best possible job of assessment and treatment, we have to be able to understand both sides and how we can best put them together to provide treatment and understanding.
A couple of – I want to move for a few minutes and talk about assessment. Assessment’s really important here in a clinical sense, because the way that we understand this youth will have a lot to do with the kinds of adaptations and referrals that we make and what kind of therapy we might provide them. And one of the troubles in the field, or one of the growing areas, is that we do not have very well-established ways of measuring traumatic symptoms, or trauma-related symptoms, for people who have autism. And here are some reasons why.
One is that, well, most of our measures that we have – and there are a number of measures of post-traumatic stress for children, and those of you who are working in a clinical work with traumatised kids, we know that we have a number of choices about what measures we might use for screening and assessment. But very few or, basically, none, of those measures has been standardised for a – no – there’s not much psychometric data. They haven’t been developed specifically for people with autism. So, the test items are written in a way that may not be well understood by autistic individuals.
There are often differences and there’s some research evidence that people with autism tend to have certain response styles that may be different from typically developing individuals. They may over-respond about – based on cer – be – to certain words in the assessment. They may under-respond or under-report, because they may be looking for very concrete descriptions of their experience. And if their concrete – the perfect concrete description isn’t given, they don’t see that as, necessarily, something they need to endorse.
There’s also this history of our tendency to over-rely, as Clinicians, on caregiver and parent reports with this population, rather than giving them self-report measures, and what happens when you over-rely on caregiver reports? You get a certain skewed or biased set of information about the person’s trauma history and trauma experience. It really fleshes it out enormously when we also have the child’s – the autistic child’s report about their own experience, which may be very different, subjectively, than what the caregiver observes on the outside. So, like, we always know, as Assessors, we need to be able to get multiple informants and it’s really important, but we don’t have very many good self-report measures for these kids. And then, one other thing I’ll mention is that some studies have shown that in autism, there seem – there’s a semi-reliable effect that children who’ve been exposed to trauma may show regressions and certain adaptive behaviours. So, regressions in language, regressions in toileting, maybe regressions in stereotypical behaviours that were more under control before the trauma. And that this is probably an area that we need to be assessing when we’re addressing a child who has autism, is whether they’ve shown any regressions in adaptive behaviour in a time synchronous way with a traumatic event, or events.
So, here are some measures that I would recommend using, because we’ve had some good luck with them and there’s reasonable data support for these measures. One of ‘em is the Child Stress Disorders Checklist- Short Form. Very short screening instrument that has some good validation that the – there’s four symptom items on this measure that correlate very well with the broader Child Stress Disorders Checklist scores for screening for whether a person may have been, you know, exposed and, also, if they’re having trauma symptoms.
Probably the – I would think the most commonly used paper-pencil assessment measure is the UCLA Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Reaction Index, the PT – the UCLA PTSD-RI. I don’t have it listed here because the problem that we’ve found is that the UCLA has a bit of a higher reading level. A lot of our caregivers and children don’t read that scale very well. It’s pretty long and complicated. We have found that this Child and Adolescent Trauma Screen is one that we use often. It has a pretty good psychometric basis, and it has a parent – good parent and child self-report forms. The reading level’s a bit more accessible, and the child self-report age level, actually, is a little lower, at age seven, than most of the trauma scales that we have. So, that’s one suggestion, is use the CATS.
And then, there are several structured clinical interviews that we also find helpful and also have been shown to have sensitivity to people who have autism. One is the K-SADS, which is a – I think many Clinicians are familiar with. It actually has an autism scale on it, which isn’t the gold standard about diagnosing autism, but it does give you some context, as well as providing some – a good PTSD scale and anxiety disorder scales and others that are helpful.
Another one is the Anxiety Disorders Interview Scale, ADIS. The ADIS has been studied quite a bit by autism Researchers and Clinicians, and there is good reason to thi – there’s actually an autism specific version of the ADIS by Connor Kerns and her group, so that you can – to try to differentiate what are some autistic specific characteristics of people, versus true anxiety disorders? And it’s really good at differentiating those two things, and we have proper training on how to administer and score it.
And then, finally, the Diagnostic Infant and Preschool Assessment, the DIPA, which we use often with younger children, under about age five or six, and their families. Has a nice set of questions that are – have some internal reliability and help us to clarify trauma symptoms, autism, or both, for young children. One thing we were working for looking at, in our clinic, clinically, was something that we could use as a measure, where we could get good self-report data on this really tricky clinical question about, “Is it autism, is” – I mean, “Is it trauma, is it not?” in an autistic population. So, I’ve developed this scale, the Interactive Trauma Scale, which is an web-based, app-based measure, that’s currently in development, nearly complete and ready for dissemination. And this measure is meant to be, sort of, multimodal, more engaging and more able to be responded to by a child with autism, even those who are a little less verbal.
So, first, they’re given a choice of an avatar, with various skin tones and genders and styles. So, they can choose their avatar and then that avatar follows throughout the questions on trauma exposure and symptoms. For example, “Were you teased or called mean names? Yes or no.” We’ve found that, actually, in our review of the literature about measures in trauma, very few, or none, actually ask specific questions about peer victimisation or bullying. And so, we have found that, in our pilot studies with this measure, that a large majority of the children that we administer this to endorse having been called – teased or called mean names.
Being “in a car accident, or accident where someone got hurt.” So, there is about eight exposure items, including these yes or no questions in the beginning, that the child can just simply touch on a touchscreen. And then, there’s a series of symptom items, including, “I have bad dreams,” and they’re able to run the finger along and say to what degree they may have bad dreams, for example. So, it’s graphically illustrated, it’s a voiceover, so they can hear it, and they can read it, so it’s multimodal and it can be responded to in a non-verbal way.
So, we feel like this measure has some real promise and our pilot testing of it suggests the same. When lined up, it has convergent validity with the UCLA Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Reaction Inventory, in the child version and the parent version. So, we’re working on getting that ready for dissemination, as an example of what we’re looking for in assessment. So, let me move on in the last few minutes and talk about treatment. So, once we have assessed, and we’re pretty clear that there is a trauma-related disorder going on – it may not be a full post-traumatic stress disorder, but it may be a trauma-related disorder. The person may have some trauma symptoms. They may have an adjustment disorder that’s related to specific traumatic events. All of those may suggest that a trauma-focused therapy approach could be helpful.
And so, in our centre, we’ve been working on adapting TF-CBT, trauma-focused cognitive behaviour therapy, as a way of treating these kids and families who have trauma. The – some of the benefits of TF-CBT is that it is – there’s a – it has a very strong empirical basis as a treatment. It’s been used in a number of different settings and with different aged children. A lot of that – a lot of it – it works because, I think, of its flexibility, because of the cognitive behaviour therapy components that are built into it. It includes caregivers and families, which is just crucial for our group of kids. They usually are – they’re very typically not fully able to make full use of psychotherapy on their own. And so, we’re usually including non-offending caregivers in this, as this clear stepwise pattern, and we find it to be quite helpful and have developed a Therapist Guide and manual for how to apply it.
But I’ll just give you some of the high points here today, in the few minutes we have left. First of all, we want to explain to the child and the caregiver the steps that we’ll go through in a trauma treatment. First, there’s going to be some learning and psychoeducation about what trauma is, and this is all, kind of, driven by the – kind of, a desensitisation, gradual exposure, framework. Managing stress, learning relaxation skills, just as many CBT treatments do, in various ways. Expressing, learning feeling identification and cognitive coping.
And then, a big part of the therapy, kind of, a pivotal part of therapy, is that narration that is really going on throughout the steps, as the child begins to tell their story about the traumatic events that have happened, and then share that story with their non-offending support or caregiver who’s brought them for therapy. And then, learning some safety skills and assertiveness and also, in vivo desensitisation to any areas, like school, or neighbourhood or community, where they have felt traumatised and maybe avoiding, and need some in vivo work.
And so, we will show this graphic, or others, to a child and their family, so that they know “These – there are certain steps, and when we’re finished with these steps, you will be able to graduate from therapy.” And gives them, kind of, a timeline and a sense for what that – what they’ll undergo. And the TF-CBT components are listed as the ‘PRACTICE’ skills, the PRAC skills. So, just to quickly define those. Psychoeducation and parenting, it’s psychoeducation about trauma, but it may also very well be, in these case, education about the developmental difference, like autism, and how autism and trauma are going together for particular – this particular child. And maybe some ways the parents can use functional behavioural assessments, or other kind of assessments and behaviour management skills, with their particular child who has this developmental difference that’s affected by trauma. So, that’s the P.
R, relaxation techniques of various types, learned and practised. Affective expression, so learning feeling words and learning how to identify feelings and learning specific ways or techniques for managing feelings, and kind of, helping to be able to calm your mind and calm your body in various ways. And so, when we are adapting this to people – kids with autism, we are wanting to work especially around their physiological and sensory comfort and their special interest, to find ways that work specifically for them, that may not work for every kid, but that works for a child with autism.
Cognitive coping, and then, doing the narration that I talked about, in vivo work and conjoint work, as well as, kind of, establishing safety. Many times, this E level, enhancing safety, might actually go first, especially if the child is in a setting where they might be re-abused or re-harmed, and they need to learn some skills for how to speak up or get the help that they need to stay safe from further abuse or harm. And there are traumatic grief components, as well, that are available. So, I have seen many children with autism who have complicated griefs. I see one now, for example, a child who was present when his sister died of cancer and the grief component, the grief part of that trauma, is a big part of his dysregulation and symptoms. And so, that traumatic grief needs to be, especially for him, built into the treatment and done in an adapted way, so that he can make use of that – those components.
So, we came up with this, also, clinically, trying to have a good heuristic for how to think about this, we came up with the ‘Matrix’. You recognise Neo, you know, from the famous movie, The Matrix. And the Matrix is, basically, a table or chart that helps guide us, as Clinicians, to think up some – in preparation for sessions in TF-CBT model, what can we do in session to help make adaptations for the child’s specific needs?
So, the – you’ll see on the horiz – the vertical axis, the practice skills I just demonstrated psychoeducation, relaxation, affect regulation and so on. And on the horizontal axis at the top, a variety of areas that we have pulled out, specified, that appear to require adaptation for many youth and families that we see who have trauma. And so, at any given point, we’re going to be constantly assessing at each stage, where is this child and where is their caregiver in terms of, for example, their verbal language comprehension? And what do I need to be doing in therapy sessions to do the psycho-ed and parent training, but adapt it so that their verbal language is taken into account, or the executive functions or how well they can generalise skills? And we’re al – we’re looking not only at the child’s level, but we’re also looking at the caregiver level, because we find that, in many cases, obviously, the child who has a developmental difference, in many cases, has a parent who has a developmental difference, and they’re both involved in therapy. We have to take both into account in order to make sure that the entire treatment gets finished and that it’s reasonable and makes sense and sticks for the family.
And so, we’ve, kind of, narrowed this down to what’s called – we call the ‘Big 3’. The Big 3 areas that we are finding in our research and our clinical work, that requires consistent adaptation in the – in these practice components of TF-CBT. Number one, verbal comprehension, conceptual understanding. We are asking ourselves the questions, does the child understand key terms that we often use in trauma treatment trauma, trigger abuse, and so on? And the – do the caregivers understand the terms? Do they have good conceptual connections between what, I think, many times, typically developing folks pick up almost intuitively? They may need some more explanation, tables, graphs, charts, visuals, to help with the comprehension. And we’re slowing down, we are checking for understanding and we’re using some of our more visuals and teaching tools that have been identified in the autism literature for other kinds of treatment, like for anxiety disorders and other kinds of co-occurring conditions. And we’re applying them to trauma treatments so that we can make good adaptations in that area.
Number two, executive function. So, one of the things about autism is that many people with autism have great brains, they think really well, they’re very sharp, they have good memory about things they’re interested in, but they often have executive function limitations in ways that I’ve discussed earlier. Things like working memory, staying motivated, recognising the forest for the trees, right? The being able to say okay, in the big picture, this is what matters. Key – staying intentional and staying clued into therapy. There’s a tendency for them, often, to drop out sooner from trauma therapy, is our experience, because of these executive function issues that get in the way of engaging in therapy and sticking with it and unders – remembering it to the end.
So, we’re asking ourselves these questions. Formal assessments and informal assessments of where they are at each stage in TF-CBT and what we can do and what procedures and ex – and techniques we can use to help support executive function. Our belief is that people who have autism and their families, they may drop out of trauma therapy. Usually, it’s not because of unwillingness, it’s not because of choices about they don’t want their child to be treated for thera – for problem – for the traumas. A lot of it has to do with executive function issues, follow through, memory, understanding why we’re doing this difficult thing with their child, this gradual exposure.
And then, the third big foundation is generalisation. One thing that we find in people who have autism and other neurodevelopmental differences, is that you can do a lot of good work in session with them. Or there’s the whole literature on doing social skills training with people who have ADHD or autism, right? And what’s our experience with some of that, is that they may learn very well in session, and they may walk out of the session and it’s like you never said it, right? That they have to – it has to be generalised. If you don’t, you’re, kind of, working on this, kind of, train and hope model, this idea that you’re helping them with skills and you’re hoping they remember it. That usually doesn’t happen unless you are building steps in to help them generalise what they’re learning in terms of skills, relaxation and desensitisation, to other settings outside the therapy. So, we’re building that in, as well, both for the child and for the caregiver.
So, this is my last slide and let me just sum this all up by – this is what the Matrix – a very simple form of the Matrix looks like for kids with autism. So, we have, as you can see, on the vertical axis, our PRACTICE skills listed, and then, on the horizontal axis, comprehension. The Big 3, right comprehension, executive function/motivation and generalisation. And then, if you’re going to do a therapy session with a child and family in TF-CBT and you’re at the re – say you’re at the relaxation stage, component, you can go look at the Matrix. We have – actually, this is, like I said, very small abbreviation, but you can go to the broader Matrix and there’s lots of ideas, because the model’s so flexible, for training strategies and skills that you can use.
So, for example, if we know that remembering and generalising is a problem for this child, and we’re trying to teach relaxation, they need to be able to practice at home. And they may not remember to practice at home, or even know when to use their relaxation skills. So, there’s some evidence that video modelling, apps, charts, check ins, at home check ins, with the parent as well as the child, help increase generalisation across from home – from session to home. And so, we build that in very intentionally to the therapy prog – procedure to help them with that. So, we’re going to use the Matrix to help guide our therapy.
So, to summarise, we have these kids and families who have – the kids have autism, they have all that goes with it, both strengths and limitations. We are trying to better understand how to assess them for exposure to trauma and symptoms which are, sadly enough, much more common in this group than in typically developing kids. And that we want to be able to accurately assess, to rule out and be aware of diagnostic overshadowing that – and siloed care that tends to happen, and provide some adaptations, sort of, culturally competent adaptations, modifications, to trauma-focused therapy, so that we can provide that therapy. We’re beginning to find that we have good results from this, and we will go on to – we’re continuing to study this empirically, to find out what – how we can adjust our model and what works best for these kids and families. Thank you.