Transcript
Dr Alan Meehan Finally, then, to some of the “Current Issues in ACE Research.” So, the topic of ACEs has become an area of increased focus and debate in recent years. However, the way that ACEs are defined or thought about during some of the discussions that have been had in recent years, does not always reflect the progress that’s been made in ACEs research since it was first defined over 25 years ago.
In particular, a range of other adversities, beyond the ten original ACEs that I described earlier, have now been linked with adverse experiences and adverse health outcomes in young people. And most notable examples of these include peer victimisation, community violence and discrimination. And like the original ten ACEs, these experiences have also been linked with poor health and in some studies, these additional adversities appear to be more strongly linked with unfavourable life outcomes than some of the original ACEs. So, Researchers have started to consider whether the original ACE framework, as it was originally defined, needs to be updated or expanded to reflect this wider pool of adversities that are also associated with negative health outcomes in adulthood.
Also, up to now, when a person’s history of adversity has been measured in a clinical setting, it’s usually done using an ACE questionnaire. And as part of this, patients are asked whether or not they’ve ever experienced each of the ten main ACEs and then, the number of different ACE categories they report experiencing is added up to – into a total ACE score, which ranges from zero to ten. Now, although the simplicity of that scale makes it pretty easy for Clinicians to administer and to understand, many have argued that this way of measuring ACEs doesn’t really fully capture each individual’s unique experience of adversity. So, for example, the typical ACE score does not tell us anything about the frequency or the number of times a particular ACE occurred, the duration of each adversity and also, the timing in terms of when in a young person’s life the ACE occurred. So, all of those factors might influence an individual’s specific level of vulnerability or resilience to childhood adversity and as a result, there’s been some debate about whether more detailed, nuanced assessments of ACEs are needed in clinical practice.
As part of those efforts in public health and in clinical services to identify ACEs, some Clinicians and Researchers, particularly in the United States and the UK, have recommended universal ACE screening within frontline services. So, the idea here is that universal screening would help to identify those young people at the greatest risk of later health difficulties in order to support prevention and early intervention initiatives for those individuals. However, the ACE score, the simple ACE score, can’t really provide us with much information about individuals’ specific type of risk because their score out of ten could be reached through many different combinations of individual ACEs.
So, to take an example here, although two individuals might both obtain an ACE score of four, one might report experiencing emotional, physical and sexual abuse and physical neglect. While the other might report just living in a household where their parents were divorced, where one parent had mental illness or abused substances, our – and another parent had been incarcerated or been sent to prison. So, based on these adversities, those two individuals’ levels of risk and the kind of treatment strategies that are likely to be most effective for them will be quite different. However, just from the ACE screening and the simple ACE score alone, this might not be clear to a Clinician in terms of what they should do or what they should do in terms of follow-up care or interventions.
On a related note, many studies have also demonstrated that the ACE score seems to be useful for identifying groups of people within a population who are at increased risk for adverse outcomes based on the number of ACEs they report. However, this doesn’t mean that it can accurately predict how any specific individual will fare into the future. So, in this way, a high ACE score can provide a rough indicator of those groups of people who might benefit from services or follow-up care, but it can’t tell a practitioner who’s administering it what a given individual is specifically at risk for, nor what they can do about it. So, potentially, in future, things like prediction modelling methods that are based on machine learning and artificial intelligence might provide a more accurate way of identifying an individual’s unique risk for unfavourable outcomes following childhood adversity. But at the moment, efforts to, kind of, create such ACE prediction models are still at a relatively early stage.
Finally, much of the literature on ACEs has focused on the downstream effects or the consequences of childhood adversity, rather than the underlying causes. And this has limited our ability to engage in primary prevention efforts, where we’d hope to target the factors known to lead to ACEs in order to minimise them for occurring altogether. Rather than always trying to simply mitigate their impact on health and development after they’ve already happened. So, in particular, ACEs really represent very complex constructs and they involve both genetic and environmental influences, and many of those overlap with other health conditions that might be at play, as well.
So, for example, the risk of experiencing ACEs is usually greater in individuals who have some genetic liability for poor mental health and the association between ACEs and poor mental health is usually partly accounted for by wider genetic and environmental factors. So, as a result of all of that, future research is really needed, as well, to test both the causal effects and the pathways that lead to adversity and also work out the independent contribution of ACEs to the risk for mental and physical health conditions over and above the other influential factors that might be involved.